Thailand

Key Takeaways: Cost of Politics

Population: 71.7 million
Head of Government: Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra
Ruling party/coalition: Pheu Thai
Last election: May 2023
Next election: 2028
Registered voters: 52.1 million (2023)
Annual salary of member of legislature: THB 1.36 million (US$38,900)
Year of study: 2024

None of the interviewees reported spending over the THB 1.9 million limit for constituency MP positions, with spending of between THB 200,000 and 1.5 million (US$5,714-US$42,857) documented

The 3 most significant expenses for constituency candidates during the campaign period are labour costs, vehicle rental and the printing of posters.

Receiving money from canvassers for attending a public speaking event - amounts ranged from US$8-21 - is seen by recipients as compensation for the wages lost foregoing a day’s work.

In the immediate post-election phase, some elected MPs must allocate funds to hire lawyers to defend themselves against accusations of electoral fraud, falsifying paperwork, or defamation. Following the 2023 general election 365 election-related complaints were made.

One political party asks for a monthly contribution of THB 3,000 from constituency MPs (US$85), while its party-list MPs are expected to donate THB 15,000 per month (US$428).

The source of funds required to compete for elective office can be divided into two main types: personal funding and funding by political parties.

Nearly all candidates aiming to enter politics strategically invest in their constituencies for a year or two prior to the actual election.

Key Findings

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Context

Electoral politics in Thailand is complex. First-time voters in the 2023 general election had lived through two coups, in 2006 and 2014, and faced a five-year period of full-fledged military rule (2014-19) when General Prayuth Chan-o-cha assumed the role of prime minister. This is largely in keeping with Thailand’s democratic journey. Since the absolute monarchy system was abolished in 1932, the country has held 27 general elections, witnessed 13 coups, and been governed by 20 constitutions.
Thailand’s electoral system has undergone change near every time the constitution is amended, underscoring its significant impact on electoral strategies, campaigning, and election outcomes for political parties. In the 2023 general elections, voters had the option to split their vote between a candidate and a political party. This incorporated both a 100-seat party list system – with party list seats allocated based on the proportion of votes each political party received - and a constituency-based system with 400 constituencies.
Political candidates competing for seats in the legislature can be categorised into three primary groups: incumbents, those from political dynasties and newcomers.
Incumbent, political dynasty and newcomer candidates exist across four main ‘types’ of political party - popular, new, one-owner and establishment. While some parties may exhibit characteristics of more than one type, they are generally aligned with one of the four main categories.

The costs of politics

Nearly all candidates aiming to enter politics strategically invest in their constituencies for a year or two prior to the actual election. This involves attending local events such as funerals, merit-making ceremonies, weddings, and special occasions like Children’s Day. However, they approach this differently based on available resources, their commitment to competing, and their confidence in the likelihood of the formal selection process being in their favour. Candidate recognition expenses typically occur before any restrictions are imposed on candidates regarding donations to such events, which are limited to the election campaign period.
According to a representative of the ECT at the provincial level, the official average expenditure was around THB 300,000 baht (US$8,517). However, it is widely assumed that many candidates spend more than they report to the ECT but declare a false budget just to appear as though they are playing by the rules.
Whilst a constituency MP campaign requires door-to-door canvassing, organising events, traveling, and supporting locals and local events, party-list aspirants largely depend on the strong brand (if any) of their political party with their expenditure outlay around elections linked primarily to boosting their position within the party, to ensure they are placed as high up the list as possible.
Direct vote buying was also still a reality in the 2023 general election even though it was not mentioned directly by individuals engaged for this study. According to an interviewee, some southern Thai constituencies saw elected candidates spend THB 50 million (US$1.42 million) on vote buying, with each vote costing between THB 1,500-2,000 (US$ 43-57).
Once confirmed in office, elected MPs encounter various types of requests, outside of their official mandate, to advocate on behalf of their constituents that have cost implications. Direct donations include requests for items such as sportswear for local events, toys for children, and food and beverages, including alcohol for community events. In many instances, transferring money directly rather than sourcing vendors is more convenient.
Additionally, MPs are expected to repair and address structural issues in their constituencies, even though the primary responsibility belongs to local authorities. Depending on the scale of the issues, this can cost anywhere from THB 5,000 up to 200,000 (142 – 5,714 USD) with priority given to resolving larger-scale issues as this can improve constituent perceptions of their performance.

Sources of funding

Some political parties have major contributors who can cover significant campaign costs, while some candidates have sizeable resources at their disposal that reduce their need for party contributions.
The consensus view was that financial readiness is a crucial consideration before pursuing a political career, rather than viewing politics as a stable source of income. Respondents agreed that it was nearly impossible for individuals to raise funds from the public to meet the remaining costs, although formal party fundraising efforts can benefit individual constituency campaigns, to some degree.

Implications

Though there are not significant differences in budget spending for general elections, female candidates face additional barriers that limit their political participation. This includes being judged on their appearance, being overlooked by male peers when expressing opinions, and being targeted for their personal style and dress code on social media.
The unpredictable and costly nature of Thai politics necessitates that individuals aspiring to enter national-level politics ensure they have financial stability during periods of electoral uncertainty, such as coups d'état, political party dissolutions, or personal bans from politics which can range from five to ten years. Consequently, potential candidates need to be financially independent, not relying on an MP's salary for survival. Interviews revealed that many MPs maintain additional jobs or run businesses to hedge against political instability.
Youth and women candidates, unless they come from political dynasties, face disadvantages in building connections to garner financial support for campaign financing from capitalist groups.

Recommendations

To better enforce regulation there should be greater civic awareness and citizen-political aspirant dialogue on the issue of vote buying, alongside more robust enforcement of the rules. Cooperation between the ECT and local authorities should be strengthened, such that the ECT can assign co-investigation tasks to local authorities such as police officers, local government officials, and even citizen volunteers.
Exploring ways to make funding available to individuals, small-scale political parties, and creating dedicated funds for youth and women aspirants can help address representative imbalances. The 2023 election results show that the percentage of female candidates and their election success rate does not significantly differ from male counterparts, suggesting that an increase in female representation can be driven by a higher number of female contestants.
Whilst the ECT has successfully penalised some former political candidates, in reality, numerous instances of vote buying and electoral misconduct either failed to reach the commission or were abandoned by whistleblowers when court proceedings became necessary. To address this, stronger regulations that can reduce the time and simplify the process to make it more feasible and ensure safety for anonymous whistleblowers are required.

Read the report (English)

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