Cost of Politics Reports

Regular elections have been a feature of Phillipine politics since the 1986 ouster of Ferdinand Marcos, Sr., the dictator who ruled the country for 20 years. The first were held in 1992, under a new constitution, which reintroduced measures to strengthening political institutions and civil society participation. However, electoral politics in the country remains clientelist and dynastic, with political parties weak and policy-oriented debates not decisive. This situation leaves little room for those without significant political and financial capital, especially women and the youth, to participate. While media discourse in the Philippines often highlights the high costs of seeking and maintaining political office, systematic analysis of the issue is lacking. This report aims to fill this gap by conducting a qualitative analysis on the cost of legislative politics in the Philippines which is comprehensive, multidimensional and intersectional. Furthermore, it seeks to unpack why and how these costs may impact differently on aspirants of various background - those part or outside of elite groups and traditional political dynasties, those with or without political parties or machineries, those with extensive political experience and those with none – and across genders. By understanding the relationships between these factors and electoral and political participation, the study also offers some actionable pathways for reform to enable a more inclusive and democratic elections and politics in the Philippines.

This report is part of ongoing efforts to understand the factors influencing the cost of politics in Jordan. It examines the political, legal, and social contexts and analyses the dynamics contributing to rising election costs. The study covers all stages of the electoral process, from early campaign preparations to post-election activities, shedding light on various funding sources and their implications for transparency and integrity. Furthermore, it explores how these costs affect parliamentary representation quality and public trust in the electoral system.

يأتي هذا التقرير في سياق الجهود المبذولة لفهم العوامل المؤثرة في تكلفة السياسة في الأردن، من خال دراسة السياق السياسي والقانوني والاجتماعي، وتحليل الديناميكيات التي تساهم في ارتفاع التكاليف الانتخابية، بدءاً من المراحل الأولية للحمات الانتخابية وحتى ما بعد الانتخابات. كما يسلط التقرير الضوء على مصادر التمويل المختلفة وتأثيرها على الشفافية والنزاهة، إضافة إلى انعكاسات التكلفة على جودة التمثيل البرلماني والثقة في النظام الانتخابي.

Since the end of authoritarian rule in 2017, The Gambia has made notable progress toward multiparty competition, civic freedom, and democratic openness. Yet political participation remains starkly unequal. Persistent disparities in representation reflect deep structural inequalities and a political system that disproportionately rewards those with financial resources, social networks, and institutional access. As this report shows, aspiring candidates must bear formal expenses such as party nomination fees, printing campaign materials, transportation, and media coverage, alongside informal obligations that include sponsoring community events, providing gifts, and maintaining patronage relationships. In an economy where incomes are low and opportunities to mobilise funds are limited, the ability to finance political activity effectively becomes a gatekeeper to candidacy. Beyond these visible financial barriers, the study underscores a set of hidden costs that weigh heavily, particularly on women. Female aspirants face emotional and psychological burdens stemming from gender bias, public scrutiny, and the dual pressure of managing family and campaign responsibilities. Tackling both the financial and hidden costs of politics is vital to advancing The Gambia’s commitments under Sustainable Development Goals 5 and 16, which call for gender equality, inclusive institutions, and accountable, participatory governance. A political system that enables all citizens regardless of wealth, gender, or ability to contest and lead is essential to deepening democracy and strengthening public trust.

Understanding the cost dimensions of political participation is essential for safeguarding the future of democracy in Kosovo as its growth creates barriers for capable citizens who lack resources and raises questions about fairness, representation, and public trust and risks turning public office into the preserve of those with wealth. . This report – with a focus on the February 2025 parliamentary elections - examines how candidates financed and conducted their legislative campaigns. For some, running for parliament meant dipping deep into personal savings or relying on family and informal support networks, with many treating a mandate as an “investment” that required substantial resources. But these necessary outlays can affect the participation of underrepresented groups: young people often lack established networks to raise funds, while women face significant challenges due to unequal access to sponsorship, weaker party support, and prevailing societal attitudes linked to their gender.

This study examines how expenditure incurred by individuals contesting for office across the electoral cycle, from candidacy decisions through the campaign period to post-election responsibilities – the “cost of politics” - create barriers to democratic participation in Malaysia. Based on interviews with 26 individuals, including candidates (both successful and unsuccessful), a campaign manager, and subject matter experts, the study reveals how financial barriers systematically exclude women, youth, and persons with disabilities (PWD) while distorting democratic representation.

This study examines the 2024 legislative election in Taiwan as a case study to explore the political costs incurred by candidates running for central-level public office. It investigates the various costs—both tangible (such as financial expenses) and intangible (such as time commitment)—at different stages of the election cycle, from party primaries and campaigning to serving as a legislator. The research aims to answer the following questions: What political costs are necessary in the context of Taiwan’s electoral culture? Do political costs serve as barriers to female or young candidates? What are the implications of political costs for Taiwan’s democratic processes?

The report examines the cost of politics in Nigeria and its impacts on the political inclusion of traditionally marginalised groups – women, youth and persons with disability (PWDs). It approaches the cost of politics from the perspective of the financial cost associated with contesting for an elective position in Nigeria, right from the preliminary party stages up to, and including, time in office. Reflecting on the high costs of politics in Nigeria the report offers a comprehensive overview of the dimensions of election financing from the nomination period, throughout the election campaign and even on voting day, and in both the immediate and long-term aftermath of the poll, and the impacts and implications this is having for Nigerian democracy.

The high and constant cost of politics in Solomon Islands, which often exceeds formal limits during campaign periods, is driven by a multitude of factors. Individual candidates largely bear the burden for these costs, tapping into personal savings or business proceeds to raise the resources required, with political parties notably absent. This high cost of politics has become a barrier that excludes individuals from marginalised groups from running for parliamentary seats. It also incentivises corruption and undermines development-driven governance.