Research carried out by

Sierra Leone

7

Key Takeaways: Cost of Politics

7

Key Takeaways: Cost of Politics

Population: 7.88 million
Head of Government: President Julius Maada Bio
Ruling party/coalition: Sierra Leone People's Party
Last election: 2023
Next election: 2027
Registered voters: 3.37 million (2023)
Annual salary of member of legislature: NLe246,000 (US$13,100)
Year of study: 2017 & 2024

1
Political aspirants interviewed stated that the money they spent to run for office under this new political system exceeds NLE 400,000 (c.US$20,000).
US$20,000
2
On average successful aspirants admitted to spending NLE 150,000 (US$ 7,500) – nearly 40% of the total spend - to ensure that they received the party symbol and a position on the list that enhanced their chances of electoral success.
40%
3
In a district where political opponents were likely to win two or three of the eight or ten seats being contested , being higher up the party list was a significant boost to your electoral chances.
4
Campaigning in 2023 required greater travel than in previous election cycles as aspiring politicians were not just seeking votes from constituents, but from the entire district.
5
The only support provided by political parties is when there are joint campaigns – normally when the parties presidential aspirant is visiting the district. But even here, candidates are expected to provide some financial or in-kind support to the campaign activity
6
Despite quota provisions introduced in 2022, many female aspirants choose to stay away from politics altogether given the economic and social price that accompanies it.
7
Current MPs spoke of using savings, bank loans, and support from overseas contacts to fulfil community expectations when in office, which include covering medical bills and providing food for religious and cultural festivals.

Population: 7.88 million
Head of Government: President Julius Maada Bio
Ruling party/coalition: Sierra Leone People's Party
Last election: 2023
Next election: 2027
Registered voters: 3.37 million (2023)
Annual salary of member of legislature: NLe246,000 (US$13,100)
Year of study: 2017 & 2024

Key Findings

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Context

  • Sierra Leone has been making steady progress in consolidating democracy since emerging from a decade long civil-war that spanned the 1990s. Four violence-free elections have been held since 1996 with a peaceful transfers of power recorded in 2007 and 2018.
  • The adoption of a district block electoral system - when previously a first-past-the-post parliamentary system was in place - changed the way elections were conducted at all levels in Sierra Leone’s 2023 elections. Not only did it place even greater importance of the candidate selection process, during the campaign period itself, aspirants were forced to campaign across an entire district, rather than just a constituency to secure the votes needed. 
  • The SLPP and APC have formed a de-facto two party system since independence in 1961. The SLPP relies heavily on its southern, Mende support base in the same way that the APC retains a stronghold in northern, Themne parts of the country. The high threshold set for securing representation - parties needed 11.9% of the vote share in a district to win a seat in the legislature - in 2023 excluded independent candidates and smaller parties, with only the two dominant parties winning seats.
  • Gender representation in parliament has improved significantly following the 2023 elections with a legislative requirement for party lists to include female candidates as every third candidate, largely adhered too. 

Cost of politics drivers

  • Although the system may have changed, just as it was under the first past the post system, a significant, and in some cases the majority, of resources are deployed to get on the ballot. Lobbying for support from key party stalwarts and leaders at the district level in order to secure their support in the intra-party selection process is critical for wider electoral success.
  • The higher up an aspirant was able to get on the party’s list in a district was not only a determinant of potential electoral success but could also reduce expenditure during the campaign phase.
  • During campaigning aspirants can be expected to provide “funds for food, envelopes [of cash], traditional musical sets, t-shirts, banners and megaphones”. They are also expected to “pay campaign leaders for door-to-door outreach, provide incentives to community elders and chiefs, and hire vehicles and bikes” to ensure their campaign team is mobilised.
  • The costs faced by women who aspire to participate in politics are complex and cannot be defined only in monetary terms. Female aspirants must contend with social costs as they aspire for political position, particularly in more rural communities. These costs are driven by norms and practices that consider women’s roles as being confined to the home.
  • All MPs interviewed said that voters seek more direct individualised (mostly short term) benefits from MPs rather than policies that improve the common welfare of the community. They resort to requesting cash or other in-kind gifts from politicians as a form of compensation for unmet expectations and perceived neglect. A 2016 Afrobarometer survey found that 71% of citizens disapproved of the performance of parliamentarians.
  • Aspirants who relied predominantly on personal savings and familial networks mentioned having to sell cars and other assets in order to secure the resources required to run or maintain their political careers. Others insisted that all MPs take out bank loans to meet the growing in-office costs.
  • MPs are inundated with requests from immediate relatives, important cultural and religious groups in their districts and constituents more broadly. These requests include requests for funds to cover healthcare treatments, celebrations like weddings and naming ceremonies, infrastructure projects like schools and bridges and the provision of food aid during religious festivals. This culture of direct individualised support to voters owes its origin to the practices of the parliamentary system of the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s where MPs were given constituency development funds in the form of hundreds of bags of rice, cash, cooking materials, and other resources that were set aside for constituency distribution.
  • With the proliferation of mobile phones and applications like WhatsApp, constituents can make these demands on a daily basis without having to wait for their MP to physically visit the district, something that MPs try to avoid doing on too regular a basis due to its cost implications.

Implications for democracy

  • The importance of money at the intra-party democracy phase creates a spectre of corruption and can lead to questionable judgments in the selection of people for political offices. The vested interests of party officials or individual MPs often take precedence over the concerns, interests, and aspirations of constituents as aspirants and elected officials see themselves as more accountable to their parties than the electorate whom they are elected to serve. 
  • Utilising public office for personal gain continues to be a challenge that Sierra Leone grapples with and is a major reason politics is considered a lucrative venture and elections so fiercely contested.
  • Those who lack the financial power and connections to navigate the complex realities of intra-party politics tend to be overlooked. This is particularly detrimental for youth candidates - and to a lesser extent female aspirants given the quota provisions introduced in 2022 providing they continue to be adhered to in future elections - who often lack both the connections and the necessary resources.

Recommendations

  • There is a need for enforceable regulation that can capture and shed light on campaign expenditure in Sierra Leone. But this should be tailored and designed to the political context in order to be effective. In Sierra Leone, this means that it should be focused on the expenditure of individuals rather than political parties, and include symbol selection processes, as well as formal campaign periods.
  • The Political Parties Regulation Commision can be supported to work with parties to include commitments in their party constitutions for youth quotas during the selection of candidates for elective office and to monitor effective compliance.
  • Political parties should be encouraged to develop and adopt gender policies that include commitments to provide financial support to female candidates standing for elective positions.
  • There is a need for a nationwide campaign to educate people on the roles of government, local councils and MPs to ensure and contribute to improve the meaningful participation of all groups, but especially women, youth, and marginalised groups. Civil society groups can also play a key role in providing education and enlightenment to citizens on the roles and responsibilities of MPs and the electoral system in which they are elected. 

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