Cost of politics in Kuwait

Key Takeaways: Cost of Politics

Population: 4.3 million
Head of Government: Amir Shakyh Mishaal Ahmed al-Sabah
Ruling party/coalition: N/A
Last election: April 2024
Next election: 2028 (following sustained dissolution of parliament for four years in May 2024)
Registered voters: 793,646 (2023)
Annual salary of member of legislature: KD 60,000 (US$195,00)
Year of study: 2024

Lesser-known candidates generally need to spend more on campaigning to raise awareness about their campaign and their agenda. Pre-existing recognition of a candidate among Kuwaiti society is a key component of electoral success.

One major cost was the establishment of a maqar, or an election headquarter, or khaima, a tent. It is in this headquarters that voters can learn more about candidates; it is also here that tea and coffee, in addition to catered meals, are also served daily during the campaign.

In 2024 costs varied widely based on the size of campaign and by district. The higher the number of votes needed for a seat, the higher the costs of campaign events and the operation of a khaima: tribal candidates tend to spend more money on campaigning than Kuwaitis in urban districts.

Vote-buying remained a relatively common practice and a significant campaign cost in 2024. Candidates could purchase 50 votes for between KD3,000-5,000 (7,824-13,040 GBP) depending on district, with internal districts costing more than the outlying tribal districts.

Families fund campaigns for their family members whilst membership in a political bloc or large tribal bloc can also help to offset personal financial outlay on campaigning.

Women running for elected office positions do not have the same opportunities as men, not only financially, but also in terms of access to connections and support from the public and society.

In 2024, the newspaper Asharq Alawsat estimated campaign costs starting at around KD150,000 (387,788 GBP), which was lower than the average we heard in interviews, which was KD200,000 (517,824 GBP).

Key Findings

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Context

The sustained dissolution of the Kuwaiti parliament by Amir Shakyh Mishaal Ahmed al-Sabah (r.2023-present) on 10 May 2024 was not unprecedented - parliament was dissolved between 1976 and 1981 and between 1986 and 1992, and in both cases was restored without major restraints on its power to legislate. The amir has asserted that this dissolution is to last no more than four years and that its purpose is the “revision of the democratic process in its entirety”.
From its inception, parliament has proven itself inclined to confront the unelected arms of government about their performance, which has led to repeated clashes between elected MPs and appointed members of cabinet, often ushering in cabinet resignations and temporary dissolutions of parliament.
Political parties have not been a feature of Kuwait’s legislature, but political blocs, although lacking legal status, largely took on the same duties as parties, organising electoral campaigns and community outreach.
Outside of political blocs formed on the basis of ideology, candidates for the 2023 and 2024 parliamentary elections ran as members of powerful tribal blocs. Districts furthest from the urban centre (Districts IV and V) were largely dominated by representatives from tribal blocs, which represent the majority of the population there. These areas historically have been less wealthy and less politically connected than urban areas which tend to house powerful members of the business elite. Even today, social and political divisions exist between merchant and tribal populations in Kuwait, with tribes in recent years becoming more outspoken members of the legislature.
Since the 1970s, tribes have hosted primary elections in dīwāniyyāt - officially banned informal gatherings often held in private homes at which political discussions are often central. In advance of elections, tribal leaders create committees which work to recruit and announce candidates, for whom tribal members are permitted to cast up to two votes each. Once chosen candidates are announced, tribe members pledge their support to these figures.

Cost of politics drivers

The switch to a single non transferrable vote system in 2012, which decreased the number of votes per person from four to one, has made gaining the support of a political bloc more expensive and politically competitive. Whether this is to hold a dīwāniyyā meeting for a primary or more advanced technological means of coordinating votes the costs are high.
To become better known, one major cost was the establishment of a maqar, or an election headquarter, or khaima, a tent. It is in this headquarters that voters can learn more about candidates; it is also here that tea and coffee, in addition to catered meals, are also served daily during the campaign.
Other costs include billboards on large highways, social media posts and arranging for appearances on popular podcasts like that of Abdulrahman al-Bedah and television shows like Aladalah TV.
Vote-buying remained a relatively common practice and a significant campaign cost in 2024. Candidates could purchase 50 votes for between KD3,000-5,000 (7,824-13,040 GBP) depending on district, with internal districts costing more than the outlying tribal districts. While the government has voiced concern about such practices and established official agencies to prevent the illegal practice, they have remained a part of Kuwaiti politics.
MPs are rarely expected to provide monetarily for their constituents, with the exception of one dinner held at the end of a campaign, regardless of its success, to thank supporters.

Sources of funds

Families fund campaigns for their family members whilst membership in a political bloc or large tribal bloc can also help to offset personal financial outlay on campaigning. One interviewee stated that a bloc can absorb up to 90% of campaign costs if it is powerful and cohesive.
Incumbent MP’s who contested again in 2024, having won in the June 2023 elections, were also able to utilise the resources at their disposal effectively: 39 of the 46 incumbents who contested were returned. Many Kuwaiti’s continue to hold perceptions that MPs have access to alternative sources of funding that are acquired illegally.

Women and Youth

Only one woman – Jenan al-Bushehri - has won a seat in parliament in the last two elections (June 2023 and April 2024). While the largest number of women ever elected is four of 50 elected candidates in 2009.
The importance of traditional social values and contrasting views of the place of women in political life has, to date, been more significant than money in keeping women out of parliament. Beyond costs, women have faced a major challenge just to be listed as a candidates for major political blocs and from Islamists and tribal groups who won more than half of the seats in the 2024 election.
Unless young candidates are linked to powerful political or tribal blocs, they are often forced to shoulder the significant financial burden privately. One interviewee stated that successful young candidates tend to gain financial backing from their families, thereby putting those from less affluent families at a further disadvantage.

Recommendations

Parliament, which has long been central to Kuwaiti political life, should be restored to allow a space for public participation in politics. Nonetheless, its relationship with unelected segments of government, particularly the cabinet, needs to be re-examined in such a way to facilitate a focus on legislation rather than interpellation or obstruction.
For money to play less of a role in Kuwaiti politics writ large, a political parties law would help shore up support for specific agendas, rather than for specific individuals or individual families or tribes. Furthermore, voters would be better able to hold to account specific parties for their lack of performance in parliament.
With no official limit on campaign expenditure, high levels of spending are likely to continue unchecked when elections are restored. Legislation placing caps on campaign spending and continued efforts to form an electoral commission to regulate elections and enforce spending regulations could help efforts to stamp out corruption and the practice of vote-buying. Such a cap could also help to narrow the gap between independent and youth candidates.
A quota for female MPs could help to reduce the costs and level the playing field for Kuwaiti women, who have thus far struggled to gain representation in parliament, despite sustained grassroots efforts.
Linked to this is a need to create spaces in which women can be more engaged in everyday political discussions in Kuwait given that much of political life takes place outside of its political institutions and in a way that is exclusive to men. As a signal of increased recognition of women’s political participation, gender-integrated dīwaniyyāt should be encouraged and supported.

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